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This interminable and frustrating presidential campaign surprised almost everyone. Besides ending with participants and observers in a complete state of exhaustion, it’s now more clear than ever that many of our surprises were the result of how the digital technology revolution changed our most basic communication rules.

A central lesson is that never before have we experienced a situation where vicious personal attacks, vulgar and offensive language, steady streams of unrealistic promises, and constant aggressive personal and international threats, became accepted as the norm. A lingering question must be: Will this affect America’s leadership role in the world?

We also learned that most all the major polls were wrong, even though political pollsters have become more scientific and technical with each election. They are now licking their wounds. How so?  We are in a time where “big data” is touted as the problem-solving waive of the future. But experience over the years taught me that the more data I collected the more complicated it was for me to interpret it accurately. Changing communication dynamics often blurs complicated situations. As a result, whenever possible polls should be followed by carefully selected focus groups to assist with data interpretation.

This was also a time for more people to observe how the news media actually works. For example, when Mr. Trump’s rallies promised outrageous headlines 24/7 cable television could not resist covering them, usually live. This translated into free publicity. Even when press comments became negative, the star-building power of live TV coverage continued. And since the business of media requires news stories to deliver audiences to commercials we learned just how much entertainment values influenced the election coverage.

We also learned about several additional digital media influences. One was the effective use of Twitter by a candidate to reach specific audiences over the heads of news reporters. Another was how the digital media work schedule of newspaper reporters affected story content. For example, most reporters write a concise story each day for the newspaper’s website, make “tweets” during the day, contribute to other social media outlets, are available for TV interviews, and also write pieces for a much “thinner” daily newspaper. The result is much less content, less “street” reporting, less talking with contacts face-to-face, less time reaching key experts by phone, less daily conversations with “insiders,” and less in-depth story research. All this contributes to a news industry that is more focused on “breaking news” than on in-depth issues analysis.

One morning show host ranted about how the New York Times totally missed the boat. He said it was shoddy journalism that caused its reporters to miss recognizing that Trump could win. But maybe the Times was thinking deeper than the horse race. Maybe its reporters were concerned about whether past and current behaviors would give their audience clues about a future Trump presidency: Will he actually do what he was promising… the good and the bad? Will he actually attack the people and places he said he will? And will his international business deals turn out to be serious conflicts? Now only time will tell.

We learned hard lessons about communication and leadership during this campaign. Let’s hope we never have to go through it again.

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A communication analysis of Mr. Trump’s ability to attract a large following reveals how the needs of significant audiences can go mostly unnoticed for long periods of time, and the degree to which  festering anger can be awakened with autocratic, “rally the troupes” style rhetoric.

This situation has been made even worse in the presidential campaign by a major breakdown in the American political system. Relentless mean-spirited politics not only polarized Washington, but it was spilling across the nation and gradually angering huge numbers of people in economic decline. If legislators in Washington thought their ideology-produced gridlock had widespread national support they were totally missing large numbers of underserved people who soon would produce a protest loud enough to threaten the entire political system.

The result is that now there are even larger numbers of Americans disgusted with the entire presidential campaign. One candidate is looking more and more like a dictator threatening to jail his opponent, fire the generals he doesn’t like, and nuke his enemies. And troublesome skeletons just keep rolling out of the closet of the other. Many of us just can’t wait for the whole thing to be over.

So what will all this look like after the election? Even if Mr. Trump loses, his communication opportunities and followers will not likely go away. Bernie Sanders and his followers are not likely to disappear either. Others with special interest agendas will be encouraged to launch new political movements, and so processing information overload will continue to be a major challenge.

The gridlock in Washington will also likely continue, at least for a while. The U.S. will face a real struggle to recapture its role as leader of the free world. The Republican Party will have to rethink its divisive premises and find ways to collaborate. And even if the Democrats win, they will have to  overcome doing so with a very unpopular candidate.

Instant news and social media technology have been the enablers of this mess. Communication rules and processes are now all new. Policies and action plans are too complicated for 24/7 cable. The loud and the dramatic voices will continue to achieve the most visibility. And entertainment values will  continue to be used by news organizations in search of competitive advantage.

So these questions remain: What will the next four years look like in Washington with continuing political chaos and relentless all day news appetites? Will the Republican Party regroup and survive? Will special interest political parties form. Is the two-party system doomed? Even if Hillary wins, how will she and her party function when so many people in the U.S. and abroad don’t trust her? Is it even possible for the middle class to get turned around? Can we actually get organized to effectively address poverty, racism and violence in the nation’s neighborhoods? And can we reestablish the importance of moral character and integrity in leadership?

History shows how great civilizations decline and die. Early Greeks talked about how democracies are very capable of self-destruction. With this in mind, this campaign should be a loud wake-up call for all of us.

 

 

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OK I confess. I recently made an attempt to understand Mr. Trumps’ appeal in spite of his offensive language and incessant attacks on individuals and entire groups. I suggested that in this age of instant communication and 24/7 news saturation maybe all this crudeness could eventually come to represent a kind of appealing toughness to his supporters. I reasoned that as globalization sent jobs abroad and middle incomes declined these people believed their depressed condition had been overlooked in Washington and that maybe this tough guy could really deliver results for them.

But before I continue we must remember that communication dynamics in Washington had a lot to do with bringing about this mess. The political decision to block anything the current president wanted to accomplish setup an eight year assault which totally grid-locked Congress. Problems were left unsolved. Mean-spirited attacks became the norm. Nationwide, political districts became polarized. And so the under-employed and declining middle class became angry and chose this presidential election to no longer remain silent. The “stop Obama at all cost” strategy backfired.

This is why we must try to understand communication and media dynamics in order to fully comprehend what is happening to us in politics. Actual problem-solving is something very different from arguing ideology. Statesmanship requires a completely different and higher level style of leadership behavior than winning ratings on a reality TV show. And when it comes to addressing the problems of an entire country and representing it abroad it’s not a matter of winning debate points. What we need is a savvy, sophisticated, and informed president capable of bi-partisan strategic problem-solving and thoughtful, courageous statesmanship.

It’s tempting to ask committed conservatives why they didn’t disqualify their “offensive and crude” candidate and find a more experienced one long ago? It’s also tempting to ask why cable television gave free rally coverage and publicity merely in anticipation of headline producing “crude” remarks?

As a consequence of all this, these debates have now become pointless. And we still have an eleventh-hour mess.

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This depressing presidential campaign is making it imperative that we commit to the preparation of leaders that are both ethical and capable of serious bi-partisan domestic and international problem-solving. In short, we need practical approaches beyond politics to help cities losing jobs to globalization and drowning in poverty. And we need fresh talent and ideas to address the threats of terrorism and rebuild countries from the ravages of war.

On the domestic front, many universities are already engaged in widespread community service. But the lesson of this campaign is that our focus must now be on ethics (i.e. lead in water, hidden poverty, etc.), priority problems (i.e. small business development, helping displaced immigrants, ending gun violence, etc.), and educating leadership for a smaller world (bi-partisan and pragmatic).

On the foreign front, higher education is on its way to becoming a truly global industry with incredible potential for international problem-solving. For example, former Defense Secretary Leon Panetta recently suggested on CNN’s Fareed Zakaria’s Global Public Square that the U.S. has the military capability to defeat ISIS in the Middle East but not the ability to rebuild the institutions and structures essential for governing. Is this an area where universities can help?

Universities certainly cannot do it alone, but many do have the research and consulting capability needed for engaging in problem-solving partnerships at home and abroad. Here are some interesting factors:

1. Most institutions are already heavily engaged in leadership development and are now testing innovative internship and apprenticeship-style approaches. This suggests that the pool of bright people capable of dealing with domestic and global problem-solving could be increasing very soon.

2. New and more flexible formats for study include deep immersion in other cultures both at home and abroad. This includes appreciating diverse foods, religions, traditions, values, and politics.

3. Globalization means that researchers in every field will be looking more broadly for projects and funding at home and abroad. Areas of interest should naturally include public health, water, food, poverty, energy, global warming, politics, urban studies, etc.

4. There are also academic experts with experience in strategic planning, city management, institutional development, non-profit agency advancement, small business development, entrepreneurial initiatives, and more.

5. Increasing numbers of citizens are learning how to simply demonstrate by example how the fundamental “idea of America” (individual freedom and opportunity, equal justice, democratic processes, etc.) can improve understanding between cultures in neighborhoods and foreign countries. And higher education certainly can be an extremely powerful force for soft power and citizen diplomacy.

It is not too much of a stretch to see that needed expertise for domestic and international problem-solving already exits in many of the world’s universities. It’s just a matter of identifying those experts… and nurturing them along.

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One consequence of the 24/7 digital news revolution is that the unending appetite for attention-getting information has given those with outrageous remarks easy access to ongoing media visibility.

What’s interesting about the Trump campaign right now is that during the primary election his ability to use crude comments to stay in the news was considered star-producing free publicity. But now in the general election that same free publicity is being labeled by Trump as personal attacks on him. So he is attacking the very hand that fed him.

The reality, however, is that attacking the news media inevitably is a no-win situation. Certainly there are legitimate media issues to discuss. But to attack the media head-on will soon sound desperate and eventually reinforce a perception of instability.

What’s sad in this case is that those people supporting Mr. Trump have legitimate feelings of being left out of the American dream. They thought they found someone who can fix their situation. Persistent loyalty through times like this, however, is comparable to battered people who hang on to someone because they just don’t know what else to do.

Also, sooner or later those who grab attention with constant crude and outrageous attacks, and then suddenly sound more informed by reading words clearly written by others, will find that contrasting pictures and sound bites will show just how shallow, insincere, dishonest, and frightening all this might be.

In the final analysis, educating the public about legitimate digital news media issues is important, but a full frontal attack on reporters will inevitably be deadly.

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There is a gathering this week in New York City of the leaders of the education advancement professions. They are the strategic communicators, marketers, alumni relations directors, government affairs professionals, and fundraisers for educational institutions around the world.

They are meeting at a time when dramatic sea changes are coming in their industry, and at a time when volatile events are begging for their institutions to deliver on their potential for community and world problem-solving.

Their institutions are in a state of transition because of government role changes and cutbacks, a digital technology revolution that is changing both how we teach and how we communicate institutions, and the pervasive economic influences of globalization.

Their success is imperative because the world desperately needs their institutions to be in position to improve cross-cultural understanding at a time of widespread conflict, develop talented and global-minded leaders, and make research and consulting experts available to address the world’s most pressing problems.

To ready their institutions for this new day they will need to prepare people internally and externally for this coming change, adapt strategic communication and marketing initiatives to a more global environment, cultivate the help of local and remote alumni and parents, deal with government changes both local and foreign, adapt to changing student migration patterns and faculty career opportunities, and find new sources of financial support while holding on to current ones.

The stakes are high. The world needs these colleges, universities and schools on solid ground now more than ever. And surviving the unique challenges of this transition will require leadership at all levels.

It may be surprising to hear me argue that it’s the advancement professionals who will have the most urgent leadership responsibilities and opportunities of all. This is because the future success of these institutions will be completely dependent on confronting and solving these absolutely essential and complicated communication, marketing and funding challenges.

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The recent rash of terrorist bombings raises questions once again about the impact of TV when covering violent events.  Certainly 24/7 cable’s non-stop breaking news reporting gives terrorists the terror-producing publicity they seek. But it’s also true that the public needs information about what is going on.

It is a perplexing problem. How much does dramatic TV coverage of terrorist attacks give the public essential information, and how much inspires more terrorism?

For example, does constantly saying “this is the worst mass killing in US history” repeat important information or mostly just enhance the dramatic effect? Or is this the best time to have partisan legislators argue the gun issue on TV?  Or does continuous dramatic repetition of the violence play too much into the hands of the terrorists? Or is labeling every minor update more “breaking news” really helpful?

Since the stakes are so incredibly high is it asking too much for television reporters to tone down the words they choose, use caution in how and where they point their cameras, edit scenes more carefully, and exercise more repetition restraint? I understand this request is asking a lot from a medium that is inherently dramatic. Keeping an audience emotionally connected is good for business. But it’s difficult to ignore the possibility that continuous dramatic coverage of terrorist attacks is a strong factor in producing more terror.

That said, I must also call once again for more media consumer education in public schools, community groups, associations, and in our homes. In this digital TV and social media world news consumers simply must become better editors and critics of what they consume… and they must also come to understand how media revolutions have changed them and their society.

 

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The lesson learned in the UK this week is that great numbers of people feel that globalization left them behind. The digital technology revolution, free trade agreements, easy immigration, and the creation of a global economy benefited only the educated elite, not the middle or working class.

For the UK there are direct concerns for universities. There are 150,00 European students in UK institutions, and millions of pounds flow from Europe supporting research. But there are also lessons here for the U.S. and other countries, as well as for all of global higher education.

For the U.S. and other countries the growing tendency to move toward greater nationalism may slow globalization a bit, but it will not end it.  Interconnections enabled by technology and an already established global economy will continue. So every nation will have to demonstrate that national pride and shared benefits are possible in a global economy.

There is a parallel reality for universities. International fund-raising, partnerships, curricula, and student and faculty migration patterns, are already underway. Maintaining a strong institutional brand identity is not only possible, but it is essential. Just as with nations, differentiation establishes institutional pride and competitive advantage, and is completely compatible with globalization.

Universities must pay attention to these Brexit lessons, but must also stay the course. Educating global leaders, increasing cross-cultural understanding, and focusing resources on world problem-solving are far too important.

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The decision of the people of the UK to exit the European Union seemed to surprise and shock the world. But it becomes more understandable when one takes into account the communication dynamics involved in reclaiming national identities.

Uncertainty on several fronts at the same time often leads to a kind of “circling of the wagons” response in many kinds of situations.  This is true for organizations when competition threatens, for families when overall wellbeing is suffering, for cities in economic decline, and for nations with similar kinds of worries about individual and national security.

Many people in the United States are experiencing a similar return to a “nation first” mentality evidenced by the support Donald Trump has  received in the recent presidential campaign. Extreme political polarization, threats of terrorism, and the decline of the middle class are combining to produce a strong “America first” response.

Joining the European Union for Britain meant a free flow of immigrants  flooding into the country taking jobs at a time when middle class struggles were intensifying. Now the idea of even more immigrants is frightening. And melding into a European identity also meant losing some of that strong sense of pride in being British. The overriding problem in Britain is that current political leaders have failed to demonstrate to the public that they can be a good partner in Europe in order to avoid military conflicts and enhance trade, and still maintain a strong British nationality.

Similar forces have been felt in Russia. Building off of the economic struggles all around him, Putin has been able to create a resurgence of nationalism by tapping into traditional Russian pride, much of which is based on a history of superior literature, music, art, ballet, sports and military strength.

It seems ironic that just at a time when globalization is creating new positive opportunities on every front, the fear of losing important national identities is producing a serious and potentially destructive backlash in many parts of the world.

So the basic strategic communication question for the future is this: Is it possible to go forward with the benefits of globalization and also retain national identity and pride? I think so. But we need to make sure globalization benefits are real for everyone, and that those benefits are communicated effectively.

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The horrible mass killing in Orlando underscores the gridlock we find ourselves in today. Everyone deplores these situations, but the incredible implosion of information and opinions always results in paralyze leadership. The ability to empower an elected leader at moments like this to come up with a plan and move ahead with it has been lost in a paralyzing information overload.

Somehow we have lost the realization that every organization only moves forward when leadership is allowed to begin implementing some possible solutions with the full understanding that every new initiative will have to be modified or replaced based on experience.

Years of communication study has led me to believe that the key to moving organizations of all kinds ahead is in understanding the power of tools such as “organizational process” and “collaborative integration.”  Using process in strategic communication means being able to use actions team of experienced and talented people to find and try possible solutions. “Integration” means that ongoing  task forces or “idea incubators” are used to continue looking for better ideas and to fine-tune current ones.

The same approach certainly can apply to governments. But only if the political system is wise enough to restrict extreme partisanship to primary campaigns and embrace the wisdom of collective problem-solving when events require collective action informed by a bit of pragmatism.

Some progress could also be made on international “terrorism” if the principle of “integration” could be used to bring experts from many countries together to find and act collectively on possible solutions. This too would have to happen outside the influence of political divisions.

I suggested in previous blog posts that many cities around the world have experts experienced in looking for solutions in the neighborhoods where hate and extremism begins. This collective wisdom must be tapped.

Can we in the US be wise enough to take the lead on putting together task forces and action of teams of those with the most experience? Will our current candidates please stop inflaming the situation with polarizing rhetoric and talk more reasonably about what unites us… what “process” and “integration” ideas can bring our country and the world closer together?

And we must not lose sight of the fact that the ongoing globalization of  higher education can play a significant role in addressing these difficult issues… but only if we are willing to build “process” and “integration” principles into how our institutions proceed.

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