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Archive for the ‘Public Affairs’ Category

In a new technology driven and rapidly changing world, it is impossible to be certain about what various segments of the public actually know about extremely complicated world events. Each medium has its’ strengths and weaknesses, and each has different changing patterns of use.

Newspapers are effective when it comes to providing both context and today’s developments. But readership is declining in the U.S. and elsewhere, and literacy is a problem in many parts of the developing world.

Television favors fast paced dramatic images over details and context. Some outlets such as PBS and NPR provide more context than others, but those generally reach fewer people. When television became dominate in the 1960’s, the matter of emotional appeal vs. rational analysis became an increasing matter of concern.

Social media is even more difficult to analyze because its’ use patterns seem to be changing daily. This is not unusual in the history of media.  The new “big things” in media typically becomes fads for a while, and then overtime uses change as people learn about strengths and weaknesses. For example, recent reports about Facebook usage may be suggesting that it’s better for staying in touch with family and friends than it is for handling serious matters. And while some still try to convey serious ideas using Twitter, others are finding that constant following and tweeting is just taking too much time. Twitter clearly is an effective tool for mobilizing people, but many have come to think it’s very weak at providing context for understanding and following the developments of complex events.

All of this seems to reinforce a need for greater “media” literacy among media consumers, including a willingness to seek out various sources of information, and to take personal responsibility for separating fact from fiction.

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News reports last week about divisive tensions related to governance between the president of the University of Texas and the system chancellor increase concerns about the politicization of higher education.  This, coupled with news reports about potential new regulation coming soon from Washington, heightens those concerns even more.

Simply put, the US already has the best system of higher education in the world. Its’ diversity of institution type, wide range of prices, discounts based on need and talent, and program strengths, is unmatched anywhere. And it achieved that distinction through the work of talented teachers, top researchers and imaginative leadership. What happens to all this when partisans start thinking they know better than the best and most experienced experts?

Yes, there are some weak institutions, weak professors, and weak administrators. But from time I spent doing management training, I know first-hand there is deadwood everywhere, most especially in businesses and legislatures. But there is talent everywhere too. And that most certainly includes universities.

Economic realities, new technologies and international trends require the most talented in every industry to lead. Higher education in the US is already the established global leader with the proven  ability to develop first-rate international leaders, conduct the highest level research, utilize the latest cutting-edge technology, produce the most effective international citizens, and ultimately help solve the world’s most pressing problems. This is our narrative, and everyone in higher education must help communicate it.

It would be an absolute tragedy for us to tear apart our hard-earned success through political extremism. Otherwise, we will end up handing over well-established international leadership to foreign institutions… many of which, ironically, are already learning how to do it from us!

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This week Congress finally was able to orchestrate a strategy to reopen the government and avoid default on American debt. But while a method was finally reached to make this happen, no significant communication lessons were learned about the long-range damage of extreme polarization… even among many moderates.

For example, the Texas Republicans all voted against the bi-partisan bill. Voting as an extremist block has communication dynamic consequences. It confuses what you really believe in the minds of your audiences, destroys your capacity to be singularly understood as a strong leader, and makes you look like you lack the courage to stand out when the situation calls for it.

I use this example because I know some of these people. I thought I knew where they stood politically, but also on matters of true statesmanship. It has nothing to do with my political preferences. I am as bi-partisan as anyone… a little left of center on a few social issues, and slightly right of center on financial ones. Rather my communication consequence concerns are about the necessary ground rules for constructive debating in a democratic society.

As a communicator I describe these ground roles like this: As a politician you argue what you honestly believe during the campaign and when bills are being developed. In the final analysis, however, you behave like a statesman. You understand that compromise is not losing and can be win-win, that changes can be made over time, and that your main job after compromise is to win the next election.

To behave otherwise, the communication consequence is chaos and confusion. Thoughtful individuals lose capacity to lead. And American “exceptionalism” declines as a positive identity and becomes a negative perception all over the world.

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What I have learned from my research and professional experience over the years is that all communication initially fails. As awful as that sounds, it is fundamentally true. And what follows is always some form of misunderstanding.

But why does all communication fail? It is because of a human condition we call “selective perception.” We give our own meaning to words. For example, the word “compromise”  means a win-win conclusion to some, and a giving up to others. We always prefer ideas that reinforce what we already believe. And when we hear something we dislike, we reject it. Unfortunately, a state of  misunderstanding is the consequence. And it can only be corrected through open-minded interaction.

But beyond this “naturally resulting” misunderstanding, there are at least two forms of “strategic” misunderstanding, or ‘intentional” misunderstanding.

One form is to deny something  that you really understand as an excuse to simply continue doing what you want. “I am so sorry,” you say. “But I just could not understand what that person was saying!” It is a short-cut to avoid dealing with a situation openly.

The second form of strategic misunderstanding is all too common in today’s politics and foreign policy. For Example, something like this might be said: “No one can understand that law. It’s just stupid. We must eliminate it!” This is a mean-spirited method of openly attacking an opponent.

What is going on in Congress today is too often this form of “strategic misunderstanding.” No one is making an effort to understand the other side. Intentional misunderstanding is a strategic choice.  And it is a strategy based on the growing belief that admitting you understand the other person’s point of view will bring an inevitable political defeat.

But there is an even larger communication inevitability here: Strategic misunderstanding always becomes destructive. It totally eliminates the possibility of reasonably negotiated solutions, and eventually solidifies extreme polarization.

Such a tactic is the absolute opposite of traditional American “statesmanship.” It first produces personal and group hostility, then it advances to open conflict, and ultimately it can lead to a complete unraveling of civilized society.

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The Republican Tea Party extremists are ignoring the lessons of how communication ultimately works. This is not any longer merely an ideological dispute within the Republican Party. The Tea Party extremists are setting up a communication dynamic that can not only destroy their party, but it also has the potential to destroy our system of democracy.

These rebels might be able to secure their own re-election in their narrowly drawn ultra-conservative congressional districts. But what good is this if they cannot win back the White House, where they will have their only real opportunity to change how government works.

In his op-ed piece in the New York Times this week Tom Friedman reinforced that this is more than party politics. He observed that “our very democracy is at stake.” He reminds us that “majority rule is still the rule,” and that Obama-care is the law. This is not merely an ideological disagreement. “Our democracy is imperiled.”

Majority rules is our system. A law is a law. Win the election first, then move to change the world.  Republican strategy now should be aimed at winning the national election.

It’s customary in American politics for the political pendulum to swing from right to left and back again. With that in mind, here is a better strategy for Republicans:

(1) Assert a belief in the American political system.

(2) Acknowledge that Obama won the election.

(3) Explain that Republicans used every acceptable legislative tactic available to them to change a law they do not like, but now the time has come to re-open government.

(4) Begin now to unite and energize the party by reminding all Republicans that only with solid unity can they win back the White House. This is the only effective way in our system to change how government works.

Our democratic system is based on solid communication dynamics: Argue your differences aggressively. Be willing to compromise when the time for argument has past. Once past, respect that a law is a law. Accept that winning an election is a legitimate opportunity to lead. And then regroup to win back the White House the next time.

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A major address by a president or CEO can be a powerful brand clarification tactic if it is followed by a carefully crafted and coordinated strategic communication and integrated marketing plan.

I came to understand the power of the carefully prepared and orchestrated  presidential address over many years of practice, and it caused me to ask whether or not President Obama’s United Nations address this week has the potential to be the foundation of a long-awaited clarified U.S. Foreign policy.

Such a speech standing alone will not accomplish this goal.  But if that speech contains a limited number of differentiating themes that can be lifted and later reinforced over time, the goal of a clarified policy or brand identity can certainly be reached. But it takes coordination, repetition, and the realization that such clarification only happens over time. Later speeches must repeat these themes in different contexts, and related  department and agency heads and staff must do the same thing.  In fact, all official and daily communication should find ways to reference those themes.

I analyzed the printed transcript of Obama’s UN speech this week and came up with  five such differentiating themes, and one overall perspective.  Overall, he asserted that all nations must stop focusing of what they are against, and begin immediately to articulate what they are for. Then within that perspective, I found these themes:

(1) National security. All nations, including the U.S., will act first to protect the security of their citizens. This explains how and why awkward affiliations and partners can occur.

(2) Universal opportunity. The U.S. believes all people are created equal. Therefore, everyone on the planet should have an opportunity to achieve what they are capable of achieving.

(3) Preserving the planet. Circumstances require that all nations must immediately focus on solving food, water, disease, air quality, land use, and energy crises.

(4) End nuclear weapons. The world must quickly accomplish this together. We simply have no choice.

(5) World peace. We must learn to accommodate various forms of democracy, governance, cultures and religion. We are one interconnected planet.

Are these themes complete and differentiating enough to constitute an entire U.S. foreign policy? If we can agree this is feasible, then to make it work a highly experienced chief strategic communication officer will have to be fully engaged in all White House deliberations, and also have the authority and access necessary to  coordinate all foreign policy communication, and communicators.

In addition, the 24/7 news cycle must be fully accommodated so that all daily messages reinforce those themes, and all action decisions are made taking the speed of daily news demands into account. This also means that operations must be made efficient enough to prevent the leaks and uncoordinated messages that have been undermining the president’s credibility.

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Each week I try to watch Fareed Zakaria on CNN’s GPS: Global Public Square. Over time, I find that his topics and guests achieve a level of context on complex foreign policy issues rarely found on television. Two guests on a recent program have had me thinking ever since. Their topic was simply…”making choices.”

Kent Greenfield is the author of The Myth of Choice, and Sheena Iyergar is the author of The Art of Choosing. A common theme that emerged in their conversation was that people actually prefer limited choices. While conventional wisdom might be that we all have come to prefer endless choices, Greenfield and Iyergar presented evidence that too many choices can confuse and cause many of us to make no choice at all.

Actual behavior observation revealed that when choices were limited many consumers were much more likely to act. For example, in a supermarket when a few brand choices were arranged and given a separate location, actual purchases increased. When there were too many choices confusion increased to where the ability to act was disrupted.

Insights like this always seem to apply to other situations. For example, I found myself actually relating this one to our local World Affairs Council schedule of events. Email notices promoting endless programs and events stream my way almost every day. As a result I am finding making choices very difficult. In the days when there were fewer choices I must admit each one seemed more compelling.

Also, I am now wondering to what degree this insight about choice applies to  communicating U.S. foreign policy. Are there just too many different message choices  flowing from too many places in government for any central idea, or objective, to make it through the clutter?  Or worse, can communicating more messages, even when they are positive, actually add to clutter and confusion?

Maybe significantly limiting the receiver’s choices of message points would have a better chance of breaking through this clutter. In other words, while constant 24/7 breaking news presenting opposing points of view each day almost insures widespread  confusion, should communication from the state department be simply one regularly repeated statement of our objective for each situation. And should that statement  be coordinated so all segments of government are consistently making the same one?

I certainly understand that focusing one simple message on each crisis situation will not achieve total world understanding. But would not such a coordinated effort at least limit negative perceptions a little, and in so doing enhance our credibility with some local and other opinion leaders who might then help us spread the word?

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Each fall TCU students identify a common reading for the entire university community. The idea is that everyone will read it and discussions will take place in classes and other groups. This year’s choice is about a Haitian family.

Brother I’m Dying, by Edwidge Danticate, is a story of two brothers and a daughter’s love of them both. It is also a story about the split between family members still struggling in Haiti, and those that have come to the U.S. for greater opportunity.

Underlying this emotion filled family story is also an account of a confused up and down relationship between the two countries.

Haiti’s story is one of a steady succession of unsuccessful leaders. Many were ruthless. And mixed in with this sometimes violent turmoil has been weather events that literally devastated cities, raped the countryside, and wrecked the economy.

For a time after 1915 the U.S. became occupiers. At other times U.S. administrations varied in levels of interest and types of response. As a consequence, many Haitians developed negative attitudes about America. But others still dreamed of immigrating to the US for a better life. Many of these eventually became citizens, but now live with confused personal identities and families emotionally divided between the U.S. and their homeland.

This book leaves the reader thinking: Is it not time that we in the U.S. finally send out a clear message about what Haiti ultimately means to us? Do we share a common ideology? Is there a national security concern? Is it an important trading partner? Or do we just continue to help clean it up when it comes apart?

We are a nation of immigrants, and are proud of that fact. Yet we have prison-like holding centers for thousands of good family people waiting for visa and entry decisions. Indeed, the situation is complex.  But can’t we somehow find a simple policy message that gives guidance to practical solutions?

Read Brother I’m Dying and you will come to a deeper understanding of the human  consequences of a confused foreign policy, and the devastating impact it can have on  traditional American family values.

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After reviewing my notes from last week’s stimulating Chautauqua lectures on foreign policy, I noted that Richard Haas’s new book, Foreign Policy Begins at Home: The Case for Putting America’s House in Order, was mentioned several times.

Haas, a former diplomat and current President of the Council on Foreign Relations, argues simply that fixing our own economy and the current dysfunction and polarization of our political system is a prerequisite to formulating a credible way of approaching the rest of the world. This seems obvious, but no one in Congress seems to be listening.

When you think about it this is not rocket science. Most thinking Americans were embarrassed to watch the Republican primary’s so-called debates! The incredible extreme statements and disrespectful personal attacks undermined any hope of our appearing to be a rational thinking society. And the current polarization in Congress has done nothing to improve the situation. How can any society that cannot find rational compromises in crisis situations expect admiration or even respect from other societies? How can we think we are a model of democracy for the rest of the world when we cannot not even get our own house in order?

A major lesson from a life in the communication business is that you have nothing if you do not have credibility. It’s a fact that the credibility of the source of a message  either reinforces its truth, or cancels out everything. Communication from sources without credibility not only fails, it stimulates counter communication and even hostile responses. Indeed, it can cause negative ripple effects that reverberate on and on indefinitely.

Haas’s point is certainly well taken. It clearly got the attention of Chautauqua speakers. And it really is a “no brainer:” How can we expect to influence other countries when our system at home appears so broken?

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Could the recent controversial bill in the Texas legislature to curb abortion have come to a more amiable resolution? To do so would have required first establishing its “context” as a foundation for negotiation, and then for all parties to negotiate in an atmosphere of mutual respect.

1. The bill was written by a legislator who argued that his main concern is to protect the health of pregnant mothers. He is also a physician, which gives some credibility to his claim. However, critics see it as a clever way to politically advance the right-to-life cause and eventually eliminate abortions completely. The bill eliminates abortions after 20 weeks, and effectively closes all but very few clinics across the state.  Is there a way the goal of better protecting women’s health could be advanced while keeping a reasonable number of these clinics open?

2. The bill was also supported by people with a personal and/or religious commitment that the right to life is universal and the government simply must protect it. Is it feasible to revisit the separation of church and state principle on which this country was founded, and thereby seek some collaborative way forward?

3. The critics of the bill argue that a woman’s personal health is her private business and she should have the right to make her most private decisions on her own. The government has no right, they argue, to be making these most personal decisions for individuals. On this point, liberal thinkers seem to agree with the typical conservative position that governments should stay out of our personal lives. So is it possible to take government out of this discussion and find new more direct ways for those against abortion to make their case directly to the people.

In other words, can providing context on an issue like this make it possible to have a more intelligent dialogue about ways forward? Should the news media, strategic communicators, and educators, concentrate more on explaining the background and context of issues? For example, would explaining philosophical background, lessons from American history, possible alternative solutions, and more about how problem-solving processes actually work, help take the hard edge off polarized confrontation?

In the final analysis, will we ever again as a people consider that participatory negotiated compromise is the only true democratic way forward? After all our founding fathers certainly used compromise to launch this country. And, yes, amendments were made along the way to adjust and correct their initial decisions.

Facilitating compromise is a basic tool of the strategic communication profession. It’s a shame that few practitioners ever get to use it to help resolve polarizing social issues such as this one.

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