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Too often we send out position statements without explaining their context.  This is particularly important for political statements, especially if they are to have genuine credibility and legitimate social value.  

This week I have been especially mindful that virtually all the “solutions” I have been hearing about for solving our budget deficits lack any reference to meaningful context, especially to lessons of past societies.  Without including needed perspective, strategic communication is alarmingly incomplete.  

I observed in previous posts that today’s political communication often amounts to only one-sided propaganda.  Positions on issues are put forth over and over again with the assumption that repeating them often enough will make them true. But when context is missing, and needed, political viewpoints are  just not useful. 

For professional strategic communicators, I have argued that we always have the responsibility to make sure our political messages  are seen in as accurate a context as possible.  Only then will our audiences understand the essential historical and social factors that surround the situation, and can see how they have been taken into account when formulating our position.  Such a position, then, is worthy of serious consideration, and it is socially useful because we have established its’ credibility.

Much-needed context is missing in most of today’s political discourse. The result is dangerous polarization. A few respond to these extremes,  but too many just drop out.  And it is entirely possible that these dropouts will become the vast majority.

I asked my historian cousin to describe his “lessons learned” from studying similar situations over the course of time.  Just what are the consequences of this kind of extreme rhetoric, I asked?  His response was that when extreme political rhetoric (i.e. propaganda), based mostly on ideology, ends with the wealthy allowing the middle class to decline, and the poor to be ignored, the society will inevitably decline. In fact, this is how entire civilizations fall.  

We certainly are not hearing this kind of broader “historical context” addressed in today’s debates over how to manage deficits over time.  I believe, however,  that only  by seeing political positions in the context of established historical realities like this, will our arguments have  real credibility.  Otherwise, we are only simple-minded propagandists, and our society is certain to decline.

The American Council on Education’s (ACE) annual meeting was held in Washington this week, and as you would expect, many of the speakers addressed the huge issues facing higher education, and the dilemmas we face in trying to address them.

I addressed this dilemma previously in Lesson 46, but I am driven again this week to talk about the senseless contradictions inherent these days in most of our political messaging:

Some give rousing speeches to motivate teachers to higher achievement,  and then turn around and make them hostile. 

Many make statements about reducing costs and restoring local responsibility, but then impose national standards and stiffer regulations…all of which, of course, increase costs!

Much rhetoric is about creating new jobs, but then these same folks propose immediate and draconian cuts…putting  people out of jobs by the thousands.

These “political communicators” operate on the premise that repeating the same extreme view over and over again will eventually make it effective.  But this is not true communication.  It is propaganda, pure and simple. 

The consequence of propaganda is that some will buy it, and others just stop participating . We end up with a polarized world, and no solutions.

Genuine political communication is about better understanding and  promoting  the greater good. It seeks to move audiences toward genuine solutions. It favors practical approaches and simple messages that improve social climate and enable democratic progress, one step at a time.

Propaganda, then, aims only to win big for a few. Communication, however,  expands understanding, accounts for differences, and offers reasonable solutions.

I just returned from the Texas Legislature and am headed to Washington for the American Council on Education’s (ACE) annual conference.  All week I heard, “You make a good case for support, but we have no money.”  And I am likely to hear the same song again in Washington.

It may be much the same even inside your institution.  Your organization may have fallen on hard times too, and you are just told there is no money.  You may have a good case for moving forward, but it is dismissed. The only remark you hear is the one for which there is no argument. We are broke.

In a situation like this there seems to be little hope. No matter how good a case you make for increased support, the answer is the same. I have been in this situation many times, and so today I have been asking myself, “What are the lessons I learned?” 

In retrospect I realized that even in this legislative climate, by continuing to make my case, I have an opportunity to lay the groundwork with legislators for the day when the economy gets better.  If I was impressive today, they just might want to help me even more tomorrow. 

So the lessons I learned are these: 1. First, convey an empathetic understanding of the reality of the economic moment. 2. Then, continue to make your case for the social value of the support you need. 3. Look for changes in the situation over time that may allow some progress, no matter how little. 4. Make a reasonable compromise now, in exchange for a promise of support later.  When times get better, your organization will too.

Bad economic times can really be depressing. But if, in a situation like this, your communication initiatives are handled positively, professionally and with confidence, you will establish a foundation now that will bring you even  more success over time.  In a word: Onward!

A reality of institutional politics is that we generally hear what we want to hear.   Most of us hold preconceived ideas about many issues, and what we hear from others just reinforces what we already believe. 

Communication researchers call this reality “selective perception.” 

Democrats become better Democrats when they hear Republicans speak. And Republicans become better Republicans when they hear Democrats speak. This type of polarization also occurs with many of our issues in the institutional workplace.  An example of polarization is the use of the  word “marketing.”

For many, the word means “commercialization,” and whenever it is heard in the context of the academy, the perception is that the consequence will be to turn the institution into a retail sales organization. The word “brand” is another example of this kind of selective perception. 

In Lesson 48, and elsewhere, I argue that it’s a waste of time to focus on converting detractors. It is also true that some people who have preconceived ideas are not totally committed detractors, and that over time they might change their minds. In other words, they are “on the fence” with respect to their opinion.

We are open to changing our minds when new information appears and begins to confuse us. We then seek more information to resolve this confusion. This state of uncertainty is often called “cognitive dissonance,” and we all seem to have an inner drive to resolve it.

The political strategy in this situation is to raise key questions, describe the complexity of the moment, and then articulate the best alternative solutions… those, of course, that support our objectives. Open forums, staff meetings, invited meetings, and other opportunities for dialogue, can be created for this purpose.

To summarize, committed detractors should mostly be ignored. It is a waste of time to try to convert them. But many people are only “on the fence,” and it is possible over time, through thoughtful, patient and persistent dialogue, to change their minds.

Today, I met with senior advancement officers at the combined CASE District III & IV annual conference in New Orleans to discuss my new book, Learning to Love the Politics.

Most of us in the advancement professions of marketing, communication, fund-raising, and alumni relations, would prefer to avoid internal politics, but all agree that dealing with institutional roadblocks to our work inevitably takes half or more of our time.

The first step in developing internal political savvy is understanding the larger context of each difficult situation. This involves analyzing how universities are fundamentally different from other organizations, identifying the various types of people who find themselves in academic leadership positions, and then listing the barriers and political situations advancement professionals typically encounter. It’s one thing to know these things, but it’s entirely another to carefully analyze them by making notes and developing action plans.

Identifying supporters, detractors and neutrals is the first step toward action.   Next you gather your supporters and ask for their help in educating neutrals. With that complete, you simply ignore the detractors. The biggest mistake you can make is to try to convert opponents. You won’t be successful. You will waste precious time. And you will make yourself frustrated. Believe me, you can get the institutional train moving down the track without them.

With “grass-roots” tactics in place to build overall support, you will now be able to develop initiatives to address the issues you are encountering with specific administrative leaders, trustees, and others. This will include one-on-one and group education, using “third-party” advocates, and making win-win deals.

It’s difficult to imagine that with all the conferences and professional development programs we have in advancement, we have never really made this topic a subject matter to explore.  The participants in my session today agreed that we need to continue our explorations and my book is just a beginning.

In his 1990 classic The Fifth Discipline:The Art and Practice of the Learning Organization, Peter Senge argues that the only way to remain a leader in one’s industry is to learn faster than the competition.  I am amazed at just how much Senge’s work has influenced my thinking over the years.

My interpretation of Senge suggests that inspired leadership involves identifying  organizational deficiencies, learning about latest industry trends and practices,  clarifying identity and competitive advantage, and then implementing an education and training scheme that challenges managers and opinion leaders to “out think” and “out learn” the competition. 

While I was determining how I would approach writing my most recent book, Learning to Love the Politics, I once again came upon the work of Dr. Senge. This book is about how to gain support for a more sophisticated and integrated approach to advancing academic institutions, and once again I encountered the idea that finding a way to “teach” the organization about what this means is critical. 

First, I realised that as a foundation to understanding internal “politics” I would have to describe how universities are different from other organizations. Then, I found I would have to analyze the different types and styles of leaders that emerge in academic institutions, and the specific challenges involved in influencing their thinking.  That led me to outlining some “grassroots” tactics. But in the end there was no way to avoid the fact that advancement professionals would have to find a way to “teach” key people in the organization the basics of what they do.

In the book I use the example of how marketing and communication professionals could go about doing this. But those in other areas of advancement– fund-raising, alumni relations, student recruiting, and government affairs– should also do the same thing. 

Peter Senge made the case to me a long time ago that organizational leaders must systematize internal learning about their own industry’s trends, issues, and latest thinking. Indeed, I have come to believe that it’s the only way all organizations can remain successful.

In Learning to Love the Politics, I make the case once again.

After hearing about proposed deep budget cuts in Austin last week, I went to Washington to get briefed on the deficit-cutting consequences ahead of us there! It seems everyone is reform-minded, and everyone has an extreme idea. This all sounds depressing to an integrated marketing professional. 

Most of these reformer’s ideas are based on pure ideology, and not practical problem-solving. Many propose cutting the size of government, favor giving control back to local communities and institutions, but then go on to propose a one-size fits all solution based on a set of imposed national standards. 

All this can sound very contradictory. They want less regulation in some areas (i.e. big business, banking, Wall street, etc.), but then call for more regulation of something else (i.e public schools, higher education, etc.).

The Department of Education is a good example. For K through 12, and higher education, their idea is to set uniform national standards on matters of curriculum, contact hours with teachers, accreditation, information disclosure, and much more. What is missed here, however, is that diversity of systems and institutions is the strength and competitive advantage of American education, and that imposing these standards from Washington will unleash forces that will make every institution alike.

Here is where professionals in integrated marketing and strategic communication have a contribution to make.  Public schools and universities must analyze their specific circumstances and the exact needs of their marketplace, and then use task forces and action teams to find and mobilize the best administrative, teaching, and community talent to find solutions. These people are the only ones positioned to design creative and effective curriculum, teaching methodologies, quality standards, and communication strategies that will meet the needs of their specific students and families.

The best role for a national authority in education is to provide financing for creative experimentation and leadership development. It can also require local strategic action planning, results evaluation, and that all of this be totally transparent to the public. But, above all, it must also encourage institutional diversity in curriculum and methodology.

The fact is that each student has both special talents and performance limitations. One national standard of performance will never meet that need.  Developing individual potential is what education is all about, and yes, integrated marketing analysis can help find much-needed practical solutions.

In the last several posts I have been discussing the consequences of state budget problems.  After spending some time listening to debate in Austin last week, I concluded that the way the Texas Tuition Equalization Grant (TEG) originally was enacted is a great example of bi-partisan statesmanship.

Enacted more than 30 years ago this grant was based on a fundamental American idea…a strong dual system of higher education. Early colleges were all private, and when the the public system evolved the concept of preserving a strong dual system became basic to our democracy.

Preserving that dual system is what the TEG is all about. It originally was seen as bi-partisan and non-political. This was so because it both stengthened a diverse group of large and small private colleges while it was designed to save the taxpayer money.

The basic idea was: If a modest grant enabled a student with financial need to fill a space in a private college, and if that grant was less in amount than it would cost the taxpayer if that student enrolled in a public university, then such a grant would actually save the taxpayer and the state money.

As explained in a previous post, today the TEG actually saves Texas taxpayers around $4,000 for each student that chooses the grant over enrollment in a public university.

However, this 30-year benefit to the taxpayer can actually fall victim to the partsian ideology that is polarizing our legislature today. Maybe one day we will return to the time when bi-partisan statesmanship was possible, and America will be made whole again.

Is bipartisanship possible in this day of polarized communication? These are indeed challenging times for those in the world of professional political strategic communication.

It seems that being a Democrat means that you believe in strong government, a growing middle class, worker welfare, help for the disadvantaged, and some regulation of big business.  It seems that being a Republican means you are pro-business, support a strong military, favor free enterprise, believe in little or no regulation, and think that less government is better.

In my way of thinking, bipartisanship does not begin with political ideology, but rather with the desire to solve social and economic problems. It accepts some  compromise in order to move forward, and acknowledges that every step forward will require adjustments along the way. It also accepts that some decisions could very well be temporary  and are likely to be significantly altered later on.

In my international travels I often encounter what I refer to as “the idea of America as seen from abroad.” It comes through to me this way: America stands for individual freedom, but not the right to infringe on someone else’s.  It imagines a government that will defend the US, regulate corporate greed, take care of those who can’t make it on their own…but is not a huge wasteful bureaucracy.

The reality in the US today is that the professional political communication strategist specializes in advancing either the Democratic Party’s ideology, the Republican Party’s ideology, or a bipartisan problem- solving strategy.  The latter exercise begins with brainstorming the major issues, putting them in priority order, developing a practical strategic and tactical plan for taking steps forward, and then evaluating and adjusting from there.

Some call this bipartisan approach to problem-solving “statesmanship.” I could not agree more, and it is missing all to often in our political discourse today. I hope and pray we will all come to our senses very soon.

It looks like I will be spending a lot of time in Austin this spring. As with most states, Texas is facing a major budget deficit. The word is that everything is fair game to be cut, including education. I work for a private institution, but even so, a state-funded financial aid program helps over 1,300 college-age Texan attend TCU.

How does one develop a communication strategy for this kind of situation?  Do you sound an alarm about how devastating a worst case scenario can be for these students and your institution? Or, is there a better approach?

I have faced financial crises on many levels in the past.  Sometimes it was a potential enrollment drop. Other times it was an anticipated institutional budget short-fall. More recently is was concerns about the potential impact of a declining economy on endowments.

Each time, even though each situation had its differences, what they all had in common was that the primary strategic message had to be: This institution is ready and able to manage the situation successfully, and it will be transparent about developments as the situation unfolds.

It is also critically important to demonstrate through these times that the institution’s leadership is talented and self-confident about staying the course. In other words, positive brand messaging becomes more important than ever.

In the case of what I will face in Austin, each student that enrolls in a public institution costs the taxpayer more than $7,500. With the Texas Tuition Equalization Grant (TEG), the taxpayer pays only $3,500 to help a student attend a private institution…saving more than $4,000 with each enrollment. Plus, it gives these students a choice, and helps maintain more financially-diverse student bodies in the private sector. In total, this program enables 30,400 Texas families with financial need to attend more than 35 private colleges, many with available spaces. This is a true win-win situation.

Because this program actually saves money for Texans, we will press ahead, asserting that we are confident that the state will continue to fund this program adequately. And along with this message, will be one that TCU’s leadership and best academic talent stands ready to be part of the solution.

Lesson learned: In any time of financial concern, be as transparent as you can, but also enhance the communication of your positive brand identity, and make sure that what ultimately comes though is that your institution has the talent and strength to continue moving a head.